Today is the first trial in the ‘Bahrain Terror Network’ with Bahraini blogger Ali Abdulemam ....................-----READ MORE
Blog Archive
Thursday, October 28, 2010
FREE Bahraini blogger Ali Abdulemam
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Thursday, October 21, 2010
Trial Set for October 28
Trial Set for October 28
Posted on October 19, 2010
Yesterday, it was announced that the trial date for Ali Abdulemam and 10 other human rights defenders was set for next Thursday, October 28. Meanwhile, all of the aforementioned human rights defenders have been denied access to their lawyers, and suspicion of torture remains in the air. We call on the international community to demand that all of the detained be granted immediate access to their counsel.
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Monday, October 18, 2010
المراكز العامة
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هذا مقال كتبه اخونا الدكتور حسن مدن تنديداً بالمراكز العامة
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أعيدُ نشر المقال القديم بعد أن تغيرت الأحوال و تمهيداً لما سيحدث ولكي أوفر على نفسي كتابة تعليق آخر
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When Togo Played Bahrain....
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By DAVID GAUTHIER-VILLARS
Bahrain's national soccer team needed to prepare for an important game. So it jumped at a chance to invite Togo, a small West African country with a highly regarded soccer team, to play an exhibition match.
At least $60,000 was spent on flights, hotels and other expenses, and in early September, the Bahrain team lined up against 11 players in Togo jerseys. The Togo players weren't as good as the Bahrainians expected, and the Persian Gulf team won 3-0.
In Togo's capital, Lomé, the Togo Football Federation was surprised not so much by the team's poor showing as by the game itself: On Sept. 7 the Togo team wasn't actually in Bahrain—but on a bus returning from an official game in Botswana.
TFF officials say the team in Bahrain was a fake one, which they suspect was organized by someone wishing to pocket some of the money spent on the event.
"It's quite annoying," says Togo Sports Minister Christophe Tchao. "We need to make this sport healthier."
The game in Bahrain struck yet another blow for soccer in Togo. In 2006, Togolese players threatened to boycott a World Cup game in Germany because of a dispute over pay. Last November, Togolese soccer clubs issued a vote of no confidence against the federation's board for poor management.
Things took a darker turn this January, when a bus transporting the national squad to a tournament in Angola was ambushed by rebels in the separatist Angolan province of Cabinda. Two team members were killed. Even the September trip to Botswana had its share of drama, when the team lost its official jerseys during a layover in South Africa.
Several top Togo players, such as Sheyi Emmanuel Adebayor, who plays for England's Manchester City soccer club, have stepped down from the team in recent years. In a press conference, Mr. Adebayor cited recurring nightmares after the January ambush.
Says Frenchman Thierry Froger, Togo's national coach: "Sometimes, I feel like I'm in a boxing ring."
False credentials have long been a headache for sports authorities. In the 1960s, several sports governing bodies introduced gender-identification tests after complaints that men were taking part in women's competitions. Regarded as invasive and unreliable, the tests were abandoned by most sports federations in the 1990s.
Individual impostors pop up from time to time. Last year, Cemal Nalga, a Turkish player for the local Galatasaray SK basketball team, posed as one of his teammates during several games in an attempt to dodge a five-match suspension, according to press reports at the time. Mr. Nalga, who was later suspended for two years, said in a local TV interview that he acted under pressure from some team managers who themselves were subsequently pushed out.
But fielding an entire fake team, say experts, is at the cutting edge. "With the Internet, video and all modern technologies, it's incredible that it could happen today," says Jean-Michel Blaizeau, author of several books on the history of sport.
In August, the Bahrain Football Association says it received a letter signed with the name of Kodzo Samlan, a Togo Football Federation official, confirming the Sept. 7 game. "Everything was done through official channels, and we had no reason to suspect any problem," says a BFA spokesman.
But doubts emerged during the second half of the 90-minute game, when the Togo players began to look nothing like the top-class athletes who normally play for the team. "The players weren't fit," the spokesman says. "But we thought it might be because of the heat or Ramadan," the month-long Muslim festival when believers fast from dawn to dusk.
In Togo, officials had no doubts. "There is no way we could have been in Bahrain on that day," says Mr. Froger, the coach.
Mr. Samlan says he didn't sign the confirmation letter bearing his name. "The letterhead is an old one," he said by telephone from Lomé, Togo's capital. "Someone used my name and forged my signature to make money."
Mr. Tchao, the Togo sports minister, ordered a probe, notably to determine who collected match fees. When teams from poorer countries, such as Togo, travel, the fees are normally paid by the host country.
A BFA spokesman said Bahrain didn't pay anything directly. Instead, he said, expenses were paid by a Singaporean match agent named Wilson Perumal. Mr. Perumal said via email that, under a common arrangement, he footed all bills associated with the game in exchange for a percentage of the television rights and advertising revenue.
For the Sept. 7 game, each Togolese player was paid some $300, while each squad staff member received $1,000, he said.
Mr. Perumal, whose name has been cited in several match-fixing scandals, said he had no idea that the Togolese players who came to Bahrain weren't from the national team. Asked about his past, he said he had been charged with match-fixing in one case in Singapore, but was acquitted in another case.
The Togolese soon identified a suspect for the coach who led the fake team: Banna Tchanilé, a coach who trained the Togo national team several times between 2000 and 2009. In August, the Togo Sports Ministry discovered he had enrolled a fake Togo team in a soccer tournament in Egypt in July. The ministry suspended him from any coaching role for two years.
Last month, the federation banned Mr. Tchanilé from any soccer-related activity for three years. Officials said further investigation was needed to identify possible accomplices, and to find out where all the money went.
Two days later, Mr. Tchanilé acknowledged having been behind the Bahrain game during a press briefing in Lomé. He said he wished to apologize to all Togolese, to Bahrain authorities and also to Mr. Perumal."Even if it's tough for me, I must accept [this ruling] in a sportsmanlike manner," he said.
Reached subsequently by telephone, Mr. Tchanilé declined to comment on his role, citing the ongoing probe. Still, he said, the Bahrain game had been a good deed.
"Togo's a mess, we have no proper soccer fields, most talented players drop the sport to work as taxi drivers," he said. "If some kids had a chance to play a game in Bahrain, where's the harm?"
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Two players who falsely claimed to be on Togo's national team face off against a Bahrain player on Sept. 7. AP
Bahrain's national soccer team needed to prepare for an important game. So it jumped at a chance to invite Togo, a small West African country with a highly regarded soccer team, to play an exhibition match.
At least $60,000 was spent on flights, hotels and other expenses, and in early September, the Bahrain team lined up against 11 players in Togo jerseys. The Togo players weren't as good as the Bahrainians expected, and the Persian Gulf team won 3-0.
In Togo's capital, Lomé, the Togo Football Federation was surprised not so much by the team's poor showing as by the game itself: On Sept. 7 the Togo team wasn't actually in Bahrain—but on a bus returning from an official game in Botswana.
TFF officials say the team in Bahrain was a fake one, which they suspect was organized by someone wishing to pocket some of the money spent on the event.
"It's quite annoying," says Togo Sports Minister Christophe Tchao. "We need to make this sport healthier."
The game in Bahrain struck yet another blow for soccer in Togo. In 2006, Togolese players threatened to boycott a World Cup game in Germany because of a dispute over pay. Last November, Togolese soccer clubs issued a vote of no confidence against the federation's board for poor management.
Things took a darker turn this January, when a bus transporting the national squad to a tournament in Angola was ambushed by rebels in the separatist Angolan province of Cabinda. Two team members were killed. Even the September trip to Botswana had its share of drama, when the team lost its official jerseys during a layover in South Africa.
Several top Togo players, such as Sheyi Emmanuel Adebayor, who plays for England's Manchester City soccer club, have stepped down from the team in recent years. In a press conference, Mr. Adebayor cited recurring nightmares after the January ambush.
Says Frenchman Thierry Froger, Togo's national coach: "Sometimes, I feel like I'm in a boxing ring."
False credentials have long been a headache for sports authorities. In the 1960s, several sports governing bodies introduced gender-identification tests after complaints that men were taking part in women's competitions. Regarded as invasive and unreliable, the tests were abandoned by most sports federations in the 1990s.
Individual impostors pop up from time to time. Last year, Cemal Nalga, a Turkish player for the local Galatasaray SK basketball team, posed as one of his teammates during several games in an attempt to dodge a five-match suspension, according to press reports at the time. Mr. Nalga, who was later suspended for two years, said in a local TV interview that he acted under pressure from some team managers who themselves were subsequently pushed out.
But fielding an entire fake team, say experts, is at the cutting edge. "With the Internet, video and all modern technologies, it's incredible that it could happen today," says Jean-Michel Blaizeau, author of several books on the history of sport.
In August, the Bahrain Football Association says it received a letter signed with the name of Kodzo Samlan, a Togo Football Federation official, confirming the Sept. 7 game. "Everything was done through official channels, and we had no reason to suspect any problem," says a BFA spokesman.
But doubts emerged during the second half of the 90-minute game, when the Togo players began to look nothing like the top-class athletes who normally play for the team. "The players weren't fit," the spokesman says. "But we thought it might be because of the heat or Ramadan," the month-long Muslim festival when believers fast from dawn to dusk.
In Togo, officials had no doubts. "There is no way we could have been in Bahrain on that day," says Mr. Froger, the coach.
Mr. Samlan says he didn't sign the confirmation letter bearing his name. "The letterhead is an old one," he said by telephone from Lomé, Togo's capital. "Someone used my name and forged my signature to make money."
Mr. Tchao, the Togo sports minister, ordered a probe, notably to determine who collected match fees. When teams from poorer countries, such as Togo, travel, the fees are normally paid by the host country.
A BFA spokesman said Bahrain didn't pay anything directly. Instead, he said, expenses were paid by a Singaporean match agent named Wilson Perumal. Mr. Perumal said via email that, under a common arrangement, he footed all bills associated with the game in exchange for a percentage of the television rights and advertising revenue.
For the Sept. 7 game, each Togolese player was paid some $300, while each squad staff member received $1,000, he said.
Mr. Perumal, whose name has been cited in several match-fixing scandals, said he had no idea that the Togolese players who came to Bahrain weren't from the national team. Asked about his past, he said he had been charged with match-fixing in one case in Singapore, but was acquitted in another case.
The Togolese soon identified a suspect for the coach who led the fake team: Banna Tchanilé, a coach who trained the Togo national team several times between 2000 and 2009. In August, the Togo Sports Ministry discovered he had enrolled a fake Togo team in a soccer tournament in Egypt in July. The ministry suspended him from any coaching role for two years.
Last month, the federation banned Mr. Tchanilé from any soccer-related activity for three years. Officials said further investigation was needed to identify possible accomplices, and to find out where all the money went.
Two days later, Mr. Tchanilé acknowledged having been behind the Bahrain game during a press briefing in Lomé. He said he wished to apologize to all Togolese, to Bahrain authorities and also to Mr. Perumal."Even if it's tough for me, I must accept [this ruling] in a sportsmanlike manner," he said.
Reached subsequently by telephone, Mr. Tchanilé declined to comment on his role, citing the ongoing probe. Still, he said, the Bahrain game had been a good deed.
"Togo's a mess, we have no proper soccer fields, most talented players drop the sport to work as taxi drivers," he said. "If some kids had a chance to play a game in Bahrain, where's the harm?"
Watch part of the match on YoutubeWSJ OCTOBER 4, 2010
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Saturday, October 16, 2010
The Hill on Bahrain
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Speaking truth to Bahrain: A response to S. Rob Sobhani : By Sohrab Ahmari
Check here for how the story was reported in the Bahraini daily, GDN.
Bahrain reforms push hailed
MANAMA: Bahrain’s political and economic reforms undertaken by His Majesty King Hamadreforms undertaken by His Majesty King Hamad were lauded by US newspaper The Hill. Caspian Energy Consulting president Dr Rob Sobhani hailed His Majesty’s pioneering role in an article, describing him as “a hero of political, religious and individual freedoms”. He praised the G8 for inviting His Majesty to the 2004 summit in recognition of his contributions. The widely read newspaper in Washington described Bahrain as a “leading country in economic reforms”, enjoying the “most open and liberal economy in the region”. Dr Sobhani urged US President Barack Obama to consider inviting His Majesty to the White House to highlight Bahrain’s important role and status. He also urged the US Congress to invite him to deliver a speech to its joint session, outlining his vision of democratic reform and religious tolerance in the region.
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"The Hill is a congressional newspaper that publishes daily when Congress is in session, with a special focus on business and lobbying, political campaigns ..."Bahrain: America’s reliable partner. By
:
Speaking truth to Bahrain: A response to S. Rob Sobhani : By Sohrab Ahmari
Check here for how the story was reported in the Bahraini daily, GDN.
Bahrain reforms push hailed
MANAMA: Bahrain’s political and economic reforms undertaken by His Majesty King Hamadreforms undertaken by His Majesty King Hamad were lauded by US newspaper The Hill. Caspian Energy Consulting president Dr Rob Sobhani hailed His Majesty’s pioneering role in an article, describing him as “a hero of political, religious and individual freedoms”. He praised the G8 for inviting His Majesty to the 2004 summit in recognition of his contributions. The widely read newspaper in Washington described Bahrain as a “leading country in economic reforms”, enjoying the “most open and liberal economy in the region”. Dr Sobhani urged US President Barack Obama to consider inviting His Majesty to the White House to highlight Bahrain’s important role and status. He also urged the US Congress to invite him to deliver a speech to its joint session, outlining his vision of democratic reform and religious tolerance in the region.
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Friday, October 15, 2010
Bahrain's pre-election jitters
from the Economist
Manama Oct 14th 2010
Backward steps
A Gulf monarchy’s experiment in controlled democracy is looking shaky
ALMOST every day since mid-August, the Bahraini authorities have sent out batches of workers with paint-rollers to blot out, with grey smudges, the graffiti that have covered virtually every wall in the main streets of several of the drab Shia Muslim villages half an hour’s drive from the gleaming skyscrapers of the capital, Manama. In bright shades of red, blue and green, the slogans demand, among other things, “Power to parliament!”, “Give us back our human rights!”, “Free the prisoners!” and—most provocatively—“Down with the al-Khalifa!”, the royal family that has run the place since the British handed over power in 1971. The streets are also spattered with patches of black, where protesters have been burning tyres. According to the justice minister, more than a dozen Molotov cocktails were thrown at the police on the day the protests began. No one has been killed in the unrest (which the police have damped down), but hundreds of young men have been arrested, along with 23 more prominent figures, including at least four Shia clerics, and the island’s cheekiest blogger, all said by the government to have spread false information, incited violence, fomented terrorism or plotted the government’s overthrow.
READ MORE
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Tuesday, October 12, 2010
sowing seeds of discontent
Comment: Bahrain sows seeds of discontent
Published: October 11 2010 16:30 Last updated: October 11 2010 16:30
Arab solidarity is at its best when a member state turns the heat on its own people. And so it is with unabashed enthusiasm that Gulf rulers have greeted Bahrain’s crackdown on Shia activists, applauding the charges issued against what Manama describes as a “terror network”.
Neighbours may think this wholehearted support does Bahrain a favour by helping to suppress unrest provoked by a small group of radicals. But in the long run, their cheers could instead help sow the seeds of broader discontent.
For now, no one seems willing to look at the broader picture. Driven, I suspect, by a sense of paranoia that sees Iran’s hand in every trouble that stirs in the Middle East, Gulf states are taking no risks. No matter that Bahrain’s Sunni ruling family, which governs a Shia majority, has deliberately steered clear of accusing Iran of fomenting the unrest – whispers in the region are that Tehran surely has a hand in it.
The latest round of rioting in Bahrain was sparked by the arrest in August of four activists who the government says are ringleaders of a plot against the state. As a wider wave of detention ensued, the government said it would charge 23 people with planning to overthrow the regime.
But this has turned out to be more than a security crackdown. Human rights groups and moderate Shia organisations that still plan to take part in the October 23 election have come under pressure, and their media outlets shut down. As Joe Stork, Human Rights Watch’s deputy director for the Middle East says, the events in Bahrain are “an attempt to reassert full control over civil society”.
The timing of the crackdown is a mystery.
Officials say it was driven by evidence of something sinister brewing against the state and they point to a violent escalation, including explosions that have targeted security forces vehicles. Some observers argue that hardliners within the ruling al-Khalifa family have gained the upper hand, convincing King Hamad bin Issa al-Khalifa that the political reforms he has adopted since the late 1990s have emboldened Shia dissidents, encouraging them to direct their criticisms against the monarch himself. This, combined with suspicions of Iranian encouragement for Shia radicals, could have prompted the authorities to act with a heavier hand.
read more..........
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© Copyright The Financial Times Ltd 2010.
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Monday, October 11, 2010
Worrying times
An interesting additional light shed by The Economist on the evolving situation in Bahrain.
FOR minorities, success is best in small doses. Too much may stir bigotry and charges of dual loyalty, or even make some within the minority dangerously impatient for change. Shias on the Arab side of the Persian Gulf have long lived with such ironies. Largely ignored through centuries under Sunni rulers, they now feel increasingly exposed.
First came the Islamic revolution of 1979 in neighbouring Iran, whose ripples frightened those rulers and emboldened their Shia subjects, leading to ugly clashes that subsided only in the 1990s. The more recent rise of Shia influence in Iraq and the success of Hizbullah, the Shia party-cum-militia in Lebanon, have caused similar waves, made stronger by Iran's bid to become the dominant--and perhaps nuclear-armed--regional power.
Conditions for Shias vary among the Gulf monarchies but had until recently been broadly improving. In relaxed and relatively liberal Kuwait, where Shias account for a third of the ultra-rich citizenry, they have long been prominent in business and in government. Some hold high office in Bahrain, too, but proportionately far fewer than their two-thirds share of the island kingdom's population.
Saudi Arabia has the largest number of Shias at 2m-odd, but they are thinly diluted in a population ten times bigger and are subject to more systematic discrimination. No Shia has become a cabinet minister or general--or even a headmistress in a state school, reflecting the Saudis' severe Wahhabism, in effect the kingdom's official doctrine. Still, in recent years the Saudi government has loosened some strictures on Shia worship and forced extremist Sunni clerics to lessen their anti-Shia vitriol.
Those gains look fragile amid a mood of rising sectarian tension across the region. In Bahrain, months of agitation by Shias campaigning for greater rights have led to growing government fears of worse to come in the event of trouble with Iran. Pressure from Saudi-aligned Sunni radicals has led to a full-scale crackdown on Shia politicking. Widespread arrests, the closure of mainstream Shia websites and newspapers, and the banning of some Shia preachers from mosque pulpits have combined to tilt much of Shia opinion into sullen hostility to the state.
Sectarian jitters
First came the Islamic revolution of 1979 in neighbouring Iran, whose ripples frightened those rulers and emboldened their Shia subjects, leading to ugly clashes that subsided only in the 1990s. The more recent rise of Shia influence in Iraq and the success of Hizbullah, the Shia party-cum-militia in Lebanon, have caused similar waves, made stronger by Iran's bid to become the dominant--and perhaps nuclear-armed--regional power.
Conditions for Shias vary among the Gulf monarchies but had until recently been broadly improving. In relaxed and relatively liberal Kuwait, where Shias account for a third of the ultra-rich citizenry, they have long been prominent in business and in government. Some hold high office in Bahrain, too, but proportionately far fewer than their two-thirds share of the island kingdom's population.
Saudi Arabia has the largest number of Shias at 2m-odd, but they are thinly diluted in a population ten times bigger and are subject to more systematic discrimination. No Shia has become a cabinet minister or general--or even a headmistress in a state school, reflecting the Saudis' severe Wahhabism, in effect the kingdom's official doctrine. Still, in recent years the Saudi government has loosened some strictures on Shia worship and forced extremist Sunni clerics to lessen their anti-Shia vitriol.
Those gains look fragile amid a mood of rising sectarian tension across the region. In Bahrain, months of agitation by Shias campaigning for greater rights have led to growing government fears of worse to come in the event of trouble with Iran. Pressure from Saudi-aligned Sunni radicals has led to a full-scale crackdown on Shia politicking. Widespread arrests, the closure of mainstream Shia websites and newspapers, and the banning of some Shia preachers from mosque pulpits have combined to tilt much of Shia opinion into sullen hostility to the state.
Sectarian jitters
Many Bahrainis were shocked when a prominent Shia cleric, Ayatollah Hussein
Mirza Najati, was ordered to be stripped of his citizenship. By contrast,
Bahrain's Shias often complain that the government has secretly given
citizenship to thousands of foreign Sunnis in a bid to alter the sectarian
balance. Moderate Shias still counsel patience with the ruling al-Khalifa
family, whose promises of reform a decade ago had quelled unrest until now. But
clouds may be gathering ahead of a parliamentary election due next month.
Kuwait's authorities have grown jittery, too. Following sustained pressure from Islamist Sunni members of parliament, the emirate revoked the Kuwaiti passport of Yasser al-Habib, a Shia preacher exiled in London, whose sermons suggesting that one of Muhammad's wives had poisoned the prophet prompted widespread outrage, including condemnation by fellow Shia clerics. Alarmed by a spate of calls for Sunni protests, Kuwaiti police have banned all public meetings.
More quietly, Saudi authorities have for months been harassing local Shia campaigners, arresting dozens and holding many for weeks at a time. A ban on fatwas by independent Sunni clerics has muted public attacks on Shias, but Sunni chat-sites on the internet still describe them menacingly as a fifth column for Iran.
More quietly, Saudi authorities have for months been harassing local Shia campaigners, arresting dozens and holding many for weeks at a time. A ban on fatwas by independent Sunni clerics has muted public attacks on Shias, but Sunni chat-sites on the internet still describe them menacingly as a fifth column for Iran.
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Friday, October 08, 2010
الحملة الأمنية في البحرين وخلافات العائلة الحاكمة
تبقى صورة الوضع في البحرين غامضة بسبب إرتباك الإعلام الرسمي وتضارب التسريبات الأمنية. إلا إنه غموضٌ يعكس أيضاً إرتباك العلاقات ضمن العائلة الحاكمة. فليس سراً في البحرين التنافس بين الملك وأنصاره من جهة وعمه, رئيس الوزراء, وأنصاره من الجهة الأخرى للإستحواذ على مصادر الثروة والنفوذ السياسي. ويُعبِّرعن هذا التنافس ما يُشاع عن إعتدال الملك وتشدد رئيس الوزراء.
أحتاج أن أشير إلى خبريْن لفهم تأثير تلك الخلافات على توقيت الحملة الأمنية الأخيرة في البحرين. ففي 11 أغسطس الماضي أبلغ وزير الداخلية أحد كبار رجال الدين الشيعة عن صدور عفو ملكي بحق المحكومين في قضيتين أمنيتيْن. وأشارت الصحف إلى أن قرار العفو هو المكرمة الملكية الثالثة عشر من نوعها. وبالفعل نُقل السجناء الثلاثون من السجن المركزي إلى مراكز الشرطة تمهيداً لإطلاق سراحهم بمناسبة حلول شهر رمضان. ينسجم الإعلان عن المكرمة الملكية مع إسلوب تعاطي الملك مع المعارضة منذ توليه الحكم في 1999. فرغم عدم رضا رئيس الوزراء يمكن للملك المفاخرة بأن إعتماد على إسلوب المكرمات حقق إستقراراً نسبياً لم تشهده البلاد قبله. مالم يكن متوقعاً حدث في اليوم التالي لنشر خبر العفو الملكي. فبعد إجتماع ضمَّه مع كبار رجال عائلته تراجع الملكُ عن قراره بل وأصدر أوامره بمواجهة " كل أنواع التحريض والتغرير" و"لإتخاذ الإجراءات الكفيلة بالحفاظ على السلم الأهلي".
بدأت الأجهزة الأمنية في 13 أغسطس حملة إعتقالات محدودة سرعان ما إتسعت في الإسابيع التالية لتشمل أكثر من 250 شخصا جميعهم من الطائفة الشيعية بمن فيهم قياديين في "حركة حق" المعارضة. وتحولت التهم الموجهة لهم لتشمل إنشاء شبكة إرهابية تسعى إلى" قلب نظام الحكم".
رغم مرور أكثر من شهر ونصف على بدء الحملة الأمنية لم تعثر أجهزة الأمن على معدات أو أسلحة يستلزمها "قلب نظام الحكم". ولا يبدو في الأفق ما يشير إلى تقديم المتهمين للمحاكمة في وقت قريب. على الأقل ليس قبل أن تحسم العائلة الحاكمة خلافاتها وخاصة فيما يتعلق بمصير مشروع "الإصلاح السياسي" المتعثر في البحرين..
الرسالة الإلكترونية لمبادرة الإصلاح العربي
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Repression in Bahrain and Divergence within the Royal Family
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Translated. Original: Arabic>
Arab Refom Iniative (E-Letter)
The situation in Bahrain at the moment is ambiguous, resulting from the perplexity of the official media and the contradictions in leaked security information. This lack of clarity also reflects the perturbed relations within the royal family. The competition between the king and his partisans, and the king’s uncle (the prime minister) and his partisans, is a poorly-guarded secret in Bahrain. This competition concerns the management of wealth and political power, and expressed what is considered to be the moderation of the king in the face of the prime minister’s inflexibility.
To understand why the latest wave of repression has taken place, it is worth noting two incidents. First, last August 11th, the Interior Minters announced an act of royal amnesty to those found guilty in previous trials to a Shia religious leader. This announcement was picked up by the newspapers, who reported that it was indeed the thirteenth example of such royal magnanimity. The 30 detainees had been transported from the central prison to a police station in order to liberate them for the start of Ramadan. This act is representative o f the king’s style with respect to the opposition, which he has employed since coming to power in 1999. Despite the dissatisfaction of the prime minister, the king can claim that his magnanimous style (makrouma) has achieved a relative stability previously unknown in Bahrain.
What was not imaginable, however, arrived the following day. After a meeting with his family elders, the king back-pedaled and withdrew the amnesty. He went further by issuing orders to “fight all forms of incitement and deceit”, and called for “the use of all measures to maintain civil peace.” The security apparatus thus started on August 13th a campaign of arrests that swelled over the following weeks, reaching 250 people – all Shia- including the leaders of the opposition Haq movement. The detainees were accused of creating a terrorist organization that was attempting to “overthrow the regime.”
Two months on, the security services have still not found any hardware (arms or otherwise) that such an overthrow would require. There is also no sign that the accused will be going in front of a court any time soon, or at least not before the royal family overcomes this divergence, especially with respect to the tripped-up political reform project.
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Translated. Original: Arabic>
Arab Refom Iniative (E-Letter)
The situation in Bahrain at the moment is ambiguous, resulting from the perplexity of the official media and the contradictions in leaked security information. This lack of clarity also reflects the perturbed relations within the royal family. The competition between the king and his partisans, and the king’s uncle (the prime minister) and his partisans, is a poorly-guarded secret in Bahrain. This competition concerns the management of wealth and political power, and expressed what is considered to be the moderation of the king in the face of the prime minister’s inflexibility.
To understand why the latest wave of repression has taken place, it is worth noting two incidents. First, last August 11th, the Interior Minters announced an act of royal amnesty to those found guilty in previous trials to a Shia religious leader. This announcement was picked up by the newspapers, who reported that it was indeed the thirteenth example of such royal magnanimity. The 30 detainees had been transported from the central prison to a police station in order to liberate them for the start of Ramadan. This act is representative o f the king’s style with respect to the opposition, which he has employed since coming to power in 1999. Despite the dissatisfaction of the prime minister, the king can claim that his magnanimous style (makrouma) has achieved a relative stability previously unknown in Bahrain.
What was not imaginable, however, arrived the following day. After a meeting with his family elders, the king back-pedaled and withdrew the amnesty. He went further by issuing orders to “fight all forms of incitement and deceit”, and called for “the use of all measures to maintain civil peace.” The security apparatus thus started on August 13th a campaign of arrests that swelled over the following weeks, reaching 250 people – all Shia- including the leaders of the opposition Haq movement. The detainees were accused of creating a terrorist organization that was attempting to “overthrow the regime.”
Two months on, the security services have still not found any hardware (arms or otherwise) that such an overthrow would require. There is also no sign that the accused will be going in front of a court any time soon, or at least not before the royal family overcomes this divergence, especially with respect to the tripped-up political reform project.
__________
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Thursday, October 07, 2010
An interesting debate on Bahrain at the House of Lords
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Prepared: 23:36 on 6th October 2010
Bahrain
Question
3.31 pm
Asked By Baroness Falkner of Margravine To ask Her Majesty’s Government what is their assessment of the political situation in Bahrain.
The Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Lord Howell of Guildford): The British Government attach great importance to our relations with the Gulf states and are committed to strengthening our already strong relationship with the kingdom of Bahrain.
We are concerned by increasing tension in the run-up to parliamentary elections there on 23 October. We hope that all sectors of Bahraini society will engage fully in the political process and work to reduce current tensions. We encourage the Government of Bahrain to allow all groups competing in the election level playing fields and to maintain their programme of democratic reforms.
Baroness Falkner of Margravine: My Lords, the noble Lord must be aware of the deteriorating political situation as he has just alluded to it. Is he aware that political activists have been imprisoned, have been denied access to lawyers, that there are allegations of torture and that opposition parties and NGOs which were legal until recently have been banned in the past few days? How do we expect a level playing field in that regard? There is alleged to have been a terrorist plot against the Government of Bahrain which the US, of course, refutes. Will the noble Lord tell the House whether Her Majesty’s Government agree that there has been a terrorist plot and how they will consider recalibrating their position with Bahrain should the elections turn out to be a complete sham?
Lord Howell of Guildford: I thank my noble friend for her concern in this matter, which is very proper as we take all allegations of torture extremely seriously. We are aware that allegations have been made in a number of cases. Of course, we are dealing with a long-term situation of great pressure under which Bahraini society has to operate, with pressures from all sides, particularly influence from Iran. Nevertheless, these are extremely worrying allegations. Our ambassador has raised them and has demanded and sought transparency and due process in all cases. They have also been raised at the highest ministerial level and we will continue to pursue our questions about the allegations of torture. I have to say that the Bahraini authorities insist that they have nothing to hide and that there is no evidence of torture. Nevertheless, the allegations remain and we will continue to raise them with the Bahraini authorities.
Baroness Uddin: My Lords, I declare my interest as the vice-chair of the Bahraini APPG. While I accept the noble Baroness’s premise as regards some of the difficulties that Bahrain faces, does the noble Lord accept that there has been tremendous improvement in governance structures in Bahrain and that British government support is absolutely critical at this point given that it is one of the two Gulf countries seeking a political mandate from its people?
Lord Howell of Guildford: Yes, I accept that. It is, in a way, ironic that of the two Gulf states that are making most progress on democratic and parliamentary reform—Kuwait and Bahrain—Bahrain should come in for the criticism. Nevertheless, my noble friend is absolutely right to be concerned about the allegations. Torture is unacceptable to us wherever it occurs in the world; and where it occurs among our friends, the very fact that we have friendship and a good relationship enables us to take the matter up in a very frank and effective way. But the noble Baroness is quite right in this regard.
Lord Avebury: My Lords, we are very grateful to the Foreign Secretary for making a telephone call to the Crown Prince about the detention and torture of a British citizen who is among the dozens who have been detained for political reasons. Will the Foreign Secretary make another telephone call to ask the Bahraini ruling family if they will grant permission to the families of the detainees to visit them without having 10 security men standing in the background, and allow their lawyers to visit without being observed? Finally, will the Foreign Secretary ask the ruling family to invite the UN rapporteurs on torture and arbitrary detention to pay a visit to Bahrain to investigate the circumstances?
Lord Howell of Guildford: My noble friend is talking about a particular case and it is quite difficult to talk about the details of an individual case where permission has not been given by the individual for it to be discussed. However, if, as I suspect, he is referring to the case of Mr Al-Hisabi, who has been detained and about whom a lot of allegations have been made, this matter was indeed raised at very high levels—whether by telephone or face to face. Consular access has been offered to the individual because he has dual nationality. In the future, there could be further consular access. I am advised that there will be no problem at all about further access and about the issue that my noble friend raised on the position of the families and their support.
As to visits from outside bodies to examine the situation, I agree that this is possibly a worthwhile idea. I am advised that the Bahraini authorities would not be averse to the right kind of inspection or visit from outside authorities to monitor the truth of the allegations—some of which may have a basis and some of which may be false—and to present the Bahraini authorities’ case, which is that there is no real evidence of torture.
Baroness Symons of Vernham Dean: My Lords, I am sure that we all agree that wherever torture occurs it should be condemned in the unequivocal way that the Minister has done, and we welcome that. But Bahrain is a relatively liberal Gulf state: its elections have been inclusive of women; there have been women at senior levels in the Bahraini Government and it is inclusive of different religious groupings. Given that history and the excellent relationship to which the Minister referred, does he believe that now really is the moment to approach the Bahrainis on inspections of their prisons and places of detention, because, like the Minister, I believe that that sort of approach might be well received? [italics added}
Lord Howell of Guildford: I agree with the noble Baroness. This may now be an idea that we are certainly prepared to consider and, as I said earlier, my impression is that the Bahraini authorities themselves would be favourable towards some proposition of this kind. It is certainly something that we will consider putting to them.
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Wednesday, October 06, 2010
BBC: Can UK do more to help alleged Bahrain torture victim?
British citizen is among dozens of Shia activists who have been rounded up by the Bahraini authorities and tortured for their alleged role in campaigning against the ruling family of the Gulf Arab state.
Jaffar al-Hasabi, a 38-year-old London mini-cab driver, has been charged under the country's harsh anti-terrorism laws, along with 22 others, with "forming an illegal organisation" plotting to "overthrow the government and dissolve the constitution" and fundraising for and planning to carry out terrorist acts
Mr al-Hasabi's wife has told Newsnight she believes the Foreign Office has held off doing more to secure his release because of British interests in the region, as Tim Whewell reports.
Broadcast on Thursday 23 September 2010.
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Jaffar al-Hasabi, a 38-year-old London mini-cab driver, has been charged under the country's harsh anti-terrorism laws, along with 22 others, with "forming an illegal organisation" plotting to "overthrow the government and dissolve the constitution" and fundraising for and planning to carry out terrorist acts
Mr al-Hasabi's wife has told Newsnight she believes the Foreign Office has held off doing more to secure his release because of British interests in the region, as Tim Whewell reports.
Broadcast on Thursday 23 September 2010.
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Tuesday, October 05, 2010
Forwarding Service
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Erasmus Mundus Scholarship Program
Are you a citizen of Iran, Iraq, Yemen or the GCC countries and want to study in Lund, Sweden?Take this opportunity to apply for an Erasmus Mundus scholarship.
There are two different programs:
1) Erasmus Mundus 8 Iran, Iraq and Yemen. For more information about this and how to appy visit Erasmus Mundus 8 web page.Application deadline November 21, 2010.
2) Erasmus Mundus Gulf LOT 5 includes citizens from Bahrein, Qatar, Oman, United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia.The application deadline is November 10, 2010.
For more information please contact Petter.Pilesjo@gis.lu.se
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Sunday, October 03, 2010
باخرة محملة بالأسلحة والمفرقعات
..تتكرر القصص وتعيد الأجهزة الأمنية ترويجها. لذا لا تحتاج إلى تغيير الملاحظات أدناه التي كتبتها في 23من ديسمبر 2008
تناقلت وكالات الأنباء وبعض نشرات الأخبار الرئيسية في الفضائيات الدولية فحوى بيان أمني حول ''إلقاء القبض فجر الثلثاء على عدد من الأشخاص كانوا يخططون لتنفيذ عمل إرهابي بهدف الإخلال بالأمن العام وترويع الأبرياء الآمنين وتهديد حياتهم"ا
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ولا غرابة في هذا الاهتمام العالمي بالخبر. ففيه كل الكلمات اللازمة بعد 9/11 لاسترعاء الاهتمام الإعلامي. فمن لا يتوقف عند كلمات مثل ''عمل إرهابي'' و''تفجير عبوات مصنعة محلياً'' بهدف ''ترويع الأبرياء الآمنين''؟ ولهذا استغرب صحافيٌ طلب مني التعليق على ذلك الخبر حين قلتُ إن عليْنا أن ننتظر حتى نعرف مدى صدق الخبر وجديته. فقد يكون واحداً من الأخبار المعتادة في مواسم المسيرات. وديسمبر/ كانون الأول هو شهر مسيرات معارضة وموالاة كما هو معروف.
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ولا غرابة في هذا الاهتمام العالمي بالخبر. ففيه كل الكلمات اللازمة بعد 9/11 لاسترعاء الاهتمام الإعلامي. فمن لا يتوقف عند كلمات مثل ''عمل إرهابي'' و''تفجير عبوات مصنعة محلياً'' بهدف ''ترويع الأبرياء الآمنين''؟ ولهذا استغرب صحافيٌ طلب مني التعليق على ذلك الخبر حين قلتُ إن عليْنا أن ننتظر حتى نعرف مدى صدق الخبر وجديته. فقد يكون واحداً من الأخبار المعتادة في مواسم المسيرات. وديسمبر/ كانون الأول هو شهر مسيرات معارضة وموالاة كما هو معروف.
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ولم تتأخر المؤشرات المعتادة والمقلقة. فنشرت الصحف المحلية ما صرح به مصدرٌ في النيابة العامة بأنها لم تبدأ التحقيق في واقعة حيازة عبوات متفجرة إلا بعد يوميْن من اعتقال المجموعة المؤلفة من شخصيْن أو ربما ثلاثة (حتى ساعة كتابة هذه الملاحظات). كذلك تبيَّن أمران مقلقان رغم أننا تعودنا عليهما. أولهما أن المواد المتفجرة المضبوطة هي قنينتا غاز وآلة لحام وعدد غير محدد من كرات الحديد ''الصجم''. والثاني هو عدم حصول محاميي الدفاع على إذن لزيارة المعتقليْن وحضور جلسات التحقيق معهما قبل ''اعترافهما''. بل لم يطلع المحاميان على ملف القضية. ورغم هذا وذاك صرح مصدر مسؤول لا أشك في اطلاعه أو اطلاعها على أصول التحقيق بأن المتهميْن اعترفا في التحقيقات أي دون حضور محاميهما. ولهذا أمرت النيابة بحبسهما لمدة أسبوعين كما ندبت خبراء المفرقعات المختصين لفحص المواد المضبوطة. ولن يستغرب أحدٌ أن يصيب المتهميْن ما أصاب غيرهما فيستمر احتجازهما ''رهن التحقيق'' لأشهر قبل إحالتهما للمحاكمة. حينها لن يستطيع أحدٌ أن يثبت أو ينفي تعرضهما للتعذيب لدفعهما إلى ''الاعتراف بالواقعة"ا
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بدلاً من الدعوة للتروي نقلت بعض الصحف المحلية بيانات التنديد بالعمل الإرهابي حتى قبل أن تبدأ النيابة العامة التحقيق مع الشابيْن المعتقليْن. وطالب منددون بإنزال أقصى العقوبات بما فيها إعدامهما. هذا النوع من التسرع متوقع وأن لم يكن مقبولاً، من بعض أفراد الجمهور الذين تُهيِّجهم البيانات الرسمية وخطباء المساجد. إلا أنه غير متوقع من أعضاء في المجلس النيابي. فمن أكثر من النواب المنتخبين حاجة للتروي قبل أن يصيبوا قوماً بجهالة؟ا
بدلاً من الدعوة للتروي نقلت بعض الصحف المحلية بيانات التنديد بالعمل الإرهابي حتى قبل أن تبدأ النيابة العامة التحقيق مع الشابيْن المعتقليْن. وطالب منددون بإنزال أقصى العقوبات بما فيها إعدامهما. هذا النوع من التسرع متوقع وأن لم يكن مقبولاً، من بعض أفراد الجمهور الذين تُهيِّجهم البيانات الرسمية وخطباء المساجد. إلا أنه غير متوقع من أعضاء في المجلس النيابي. فمن أكثر من النواب المنتخبين حاجة للتروي قبل أن يصيبوا قوماً بجهالة؟ا
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أكتبُ هذا وأمامي تصريح النائب عبداللطيف الشيخ وهو الأمين العام لجمعية المنبر الوطني الإسلامي[1] . فقبل أن يتبين النبأ أي قبل أن تبدأ النيابة العامة تحقيقها وقبل أن يتم إبلاغ محاميي المتهميْن بالتهم الموجهة لموكليْهما، أدان سعادة النائب ''التخطيط للتفجير والتخريب والنَّيل من أمن واستقرار البحرين''. بل أشار وليس لديه أكثر مما لدينا من أخبار إلى أن المعتقليْن يستحقان أشد العقاب حيث إن أعمال التخريب والتفجير والإفساد في الأرض حرَّمها الإسلام ونص القرآن على توقيع أشد العقوبات بمن يتورطون في مثل هذه الأعمال الإجرامية. ا
أكتبُ هذا وأمامي تصريح النائب عبداللطيف الشيخ وهو الأمين العام لجمعية المنبر الوطني الإسلامي[1] . فقبل أن يتبين النبأ أي قبل أن تبدأ النيابة العامة تحقيقها وقبل أن يتم إبلاغ محاميي المتهميْن بالتهم الموجهة لموكليْهما، أدان سعادة النائب ''التخطيط للتفجير والتخريب والنَّيل من أمن واستقرار البحرين''. بل أشار وليس لديه أكثر مما لدينا من أخبار إلى أن المعتقليْن يستحقان أشد العقاب حيث إن أعمال التخريب والتفجير والإفساد في الأرض حرَّمها الإسلام ونص القرآن على توقيع أشد العقوبات بمن يتورطون في مثل هذه الأعمال الإجرامية. ا
الطامة أن النائب لم يتروَ بل رأيناه يناشد رجال الأمن، وليس السلطة القضائية، الضرب بيد من حديد. لا أشكك البتة في نوايا سعادة النائب ولا أزايد عليه في حب الوطن والرغبة في أن يعمّه الأمن والعدل. ما أعتبُ عليه فيه أنه لم يعمل على التهدئة ومناشدة الناس المهتاجين انتظار أحكام القضاء بعد سماع دفوع المتهميْن. فهذا هو ما نفترضه ممن يسعى لبناء دولة القانون. فماذا سيكون حال سعادة النائب حين تقرر النيابة العامة إخلاء سراح المعتقليْن أو حين يقرر القضاء براءتهما؟ا
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لا أطرح هذا السؤال مماحكة ولا استفزازاً. فلقد عشتُ مثل كثيرين من جيلي عشرات الأمثلة على''مؤامرات'' يتم اكتشافها وعن أشخاص تم اعتقالهم بل وعن أدوات إرهاب وتخريب. وفي كل مرة تقوم الدنيا ولا تقعد تنديداً بالمتآمرين وترتفع أصوات بعضها لعقلاء تطالب بالضرب بيد من حديد بل وتطالب باجتثاث البذرة من جذورها. ثم تهدأ الأمور وينسى الناس الأمر. وتتكرر الحكاية مرة بعد مرة. ''مؤامرةٌ'' بعد الأخرى ثم اعتقالات تليها ''اعترافات'' وتنديدات ومزيد من الضرب بيد من حديد. ثم مزيد من السلطات لجهاز الأمن
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لا أطرح هذا السؤال مماحكة ولا استفزازاً. فلقد عشتُ مثل كثيرين من جيلي عشرات الأمثلة على''مؤامرات'' يتم اكتشافها وعن أشخاص تم اعتقالهم بل وعن أدوات إرهاب وتخريب. وفي كل مرة تقوم الدنيا ولا تقعد تنديداً بالمتآمرين وترتفع أصوات بعضها لعقلاء تطالب بالضرب بيد من حديد بل وتطالب باجتثاث البذرة من جذورها. ثم تهدأ الأمور وينسى الناس الأمر. وتتكرر الحكاية مرة بعد مرة. ''مؤامرةٌ'' بعد الأخرى ثم اعتقالات تليها ''اعترافات'' وتنديدات ومزيد من الضرب بيد من حديد. ثم مزيد من السلطات لجهاز الأمن
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لا أعرف ما عمر سعادة النائب وهل يتذكر تفاصيل حكاية ''باخرة الأسلحة'' أم لا؟ على أية حال سأستعيد لفائدته وفائدة من لا يعرف بعض ما نُشر عنها في الصحافة المحلية لتبرير حل المجلس الوطني في .1975 ومعلومٌ أن الصحافة نشرت قبل الحل وبعده كثيراً من ''الأخبار'' عن ضبط أسلحة ومتفجرات وذخائر ومنشورات وكتب ''لدى بعض الخلايا الشيوعية''. إلا أن قمة المضحك المبكي وصلت حين نُشر خبرٌ عن حجز سفينة محملة بالأسلحة والمفرقعات في المياه الإقليمية البحرينية. وتضمن الخبر تفاصيل جيمس بوندية عن إلقاء القبض على قبطان الباخرة وبحارتها ومصادرة الأسلحة التي كان مقرراً تسليمها لأشخاص معينين في البحرين[2]. وحسب الرواية سيئة الحبكة مثل فيلم من الدرجة العاشرة كانت الأسلحة المخبأة في أماكن سرية بالسفينة ''مشفوعة بخطة مستوردة من خارج البحرين للاغتيالات وأعمال التخريب"ا
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لا يعرف حتى ''الجن الأزرق'' ما حصل لتلك الباخرة المحتجزة التي عُرضت أمام الناس في ''فرضة المنامة''. وبالطبع لا نعرف ماذا حل بربانها وبحارتها و''الأشخاص المعينين'' الذين كان من المفترض استلامهم لتلك الأسلحة و''الخطة المستوردة من خارج البحرين للاغتيالات وأعمال التخريب''. ما نعرفه إنها كانت واحدة من عشرات القصص التي كان يفبركها هندرسون وجهازه لتبرير اتساع سلطاته. ومعلومٌ أن الميزانية الموضوعة تحت تصرفه زادت بفضل باخرة الأسلحة المزعومة وأمثالها إلى ثمانية أضعاف ما كانت عليه قبل حل المجلس الوطني
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لا داعي لتفاصيل أو أمثلة أخرى. فلعل ما سبق يكفي لأن يرى سعادة النائب عبداللطيف الشيخ بصفته هذه أو بصفة الأمين العام لجمعية سياسية أهمية التروي وعدم الانجرار وراء مشعلي الفتن. ولعلّه وغيره ممن ساروا على نفس الطريق السريع يتراجعون عن هذه التصريحات غير البناءة التي تزيد معوقات بناء دولة دستورية تضمن التكافؤ والمساواة وحكم القانون
لا داعي لتفاصيل أو أمثلة أخرى. فلعل ما سبق يكفي لأن يرى سعادة النائب عبداللطيف الشيخ بصفته هذه أو بصفة الأمين العام لجمعية سياسية أهمية التروي وعدم الانجرار وراء مشعلي الفتن. ولعلّه وغيره ممن ساروا على نفس الطريق السريع يتراجعون عن هذه التصريحات غير البناءة التي تزيد معوقات بناء دولة دستورية تضمن التكافؤ والمساواة وحكم القانون
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Torture Redux - The Revival of Physical Coercion during Interrogations in Bahrain
February 8, 2010
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Saturday, October 02, 2010
Report on Bahrain by : The Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales.
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Report on the trial observation undertaken by Pete Weatherby on behalf of the Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales.
The report was written by Pete Weatherby, Barrister at Garden Court North Chambers, Manchester and Garden Court Chambers, London. It was edited by Priscilla Dudhia and Sally Longworth.
Read it on BCHR website
or on
In PDF
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Report on the trial observation undertaken by Pete Weatherby on behalf of the Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales.
The report was written by Pete Weatherby, Barrister at Garden Court North Chambers, Manchester and Garden Court Chambers, London. It was edited by Priscilla Dudhia and Sally Longworth.
Read it on BCHR website
or on
In PDF
.
Friday, October 01, 2010
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